Showing posts with label growth. Show all posts
Showing posts with label growth. Show all posts

Thursday, 14 April 2011

FAO Ed Milliband

An especially dispiriting feature of current public life is the combination of low government approval ratings and a lack of credible alternate narrative from the opposition. Labour's dossier on the NHS reforms might be a sign of greater feistiness, but I've yet to notice any real headway on economic matters. The government's economic messages are dominating the media. Their basic framework seems to be:



Labour is having trouble countering this story, which makes a certain amount of simplistic sense when repeated often enough with firm hand gestures. Nothing is that simple, however, and the government's story is based on ideology and fallacy. Labour, here is a suggested economic story that you could be telling.

Let us go back to the very basics. An economy is a system for allocating resources. Economies came into being as a method for humans to allocate resources more effectively. They do not exist in order to grow endlessly. An economy that does not improve the wellbeing of those who participate in it is a failure, whether or not it is growing according to measures of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). An economy that inflates on paper but has no impact on quality of life is wasting resources.

It is becoming increasingly clear that increases in national GDP have little or no impact on wellbeing in developed countries. Indeed, a rash of recent books (I recommend Happiness by Richard Layard) point out that measured wellbeing has flatlined in recent decades. The government has even acknowledged this, but without accepting that they might need to do something about it. Politicians are elected with a responsibility to improve the wellbeing of their electorate. The economy is not the electorate, and a narrow focus on promoting economic growth is an abrogation of responsibility.

When you approach the government narrative from that perspective, it looks much less credible.

"The country is dangerously in debt." Government debt has previously been at higher levels and the country has survived . What makes the current situation specifically worse is that credit ratings agencies, financial markets, and the International Monetary Fund say it is worse. All three have strongly vested interests in taking that view. Credit ratings agencies make assessments of how well national governments and companies can repay debt, but are not held accountable for the accuracy or impact of their assessments. They are profit-seeking companies, not independent agencies. Credit ratings agencies are in fact part of the financial markets that make their profits from betting on whether debt can be repaid. The IMF is an organisation driven by flawed free-market ideology. Reducing public spending is its policy prescription for any economic downturn, an approach which contributed disastrously to the 1997 Asian financial crisis.

"Labour spent too much. The debt is their fault." The last government spent a lot of money bailing out the banks. I don't know whether that was the right decision, but it should at least be seen in a wider context. Most European countries were also bailing out their banks in late 2008, as was America. Blaming the Labour government specifically is ridiculous, as this was the same approach taken, for good or ill, by the rest of the Western world. Until the bailouts, UK debt levels were stable.

"Too much was spent on public services and, in particular, welfare. We can't afford to spend so much on these things." This is manifestly ideological. There is no specific level of public spending that an economy can afford. Different countries choose to tax and spend to different degrees, according to political persuasion. To say that basic public services cannot be afforded presupposes that the economy is more important than people's wellbeing. If the economy is growing but wellbeing decreasing, the government has the wrong priorities and policies. Whilst it isn't inevitable that lowering public spending will reduce wellbeing, in the case of the coalition's cuts it seems inevitable. Security is an immensely important aspect of wellbeing. Reducing the welfare safety net, the quality of healthcare, the accessibility of education, the affordability of public transport, and the availability of the emergency service, whilst unemployment rises and prices inflate; that's a recipe for insecurity and anxiety.

"Therefore public spending must be cut as fast as possible." The speed at which cuts take place is likewise ideological. Spending time carefully considering the evidence and evaluating the risks of withdrawing and reducing public services assumes you value them in the first place. The government simply does not. Their debt deadline is entirely arbitrary; there will not be bailiffs banging on the door of the Treasury if we still have a deficit in 2015.

"Cutting spending will, in and of itself, provide a stimulus to economic growth." This is a delusion. Spending cuts have only just started and the economy is already contracting, with growth forecasts repeatedly cut. Even if economic growth was an aim worth pursuing in itself, rapidly cutting public spending would not make it happen.

The government is cutting public spending quickly, with no understanding or interest in how it will hurt the vulnerable. Not only is this damaging the wellbeing of millions, it is not even going to achieve the stated aim. These are the messages that Labour should be emphasising more clearly. When the challenge comes back, "But you didn't have a plan to deal with the deficit!", the obvious response is that rebuilding and reforming the economy in order to avoid a repeat of this kind of banking collapse takes time and evidence. A considered approach is clearly preferable to rushing into dramatic contraction of the whole public sector, with only discredited ideology to support you. The coalition government threw together an emergency budget in less than a month, cutting millions without considering the unintended consequences. Labour need to say clearly what this means: that the government does not care how the cuts blight people's lives. Labour should position itself as the party that puts people before economic ideology, whereas the government does the opposite. Perhaps they might even consider supporting the claim with some policies.

I should mention that I've never actually voted for Labour in a general election. It isn't that I'm a staunch Millibandit (or whatever you'd call it), I just yearn for a strong opposition in Westminster. Hopefully Labour are currently formulating an approach that will lift the level of debate above the present no-cuts-versus-all-the-cuts doldrums. I enjoyed the friendly atmosphere whilst marching for the alternative on March 26th, but demonstrations like that aren't nearly enough. The government's economic policies must be challenged more strongly by politicians. The coalition's narrative is not just slightly misleading, it is entirely wrong. It's time that the opposition stood up and said that.

If they already have and the media has failed to inform me of the fact, please be so kind as to provide a link.

Thursday, 27 January 2011

Let It Grow, Let It Grow, Let It Grow

This week we learned that the UK economy shrank by 0.5% in the last quarter. George Osborne blamed the snow, conveniently forgetting that much of continental Europe experienced the same arctic conditions. Meanwhile Sir Richard Lambert, the outgoing head of the Confederation of British Industry, heavily criticised the government for having no economic growth strategy.

Sir Richard is right, when it comes to growth the government has some policy gimmicks but no actual strategy. Back in October last year a 'Local Growth' White Paper came out, awkwardly titled 'Realising Every Place's Potential'. Although the paper wanders erratically across planning, housing, sustainability, and region-bashing, the main message is summed up by this quote:

A further feature of earlier approaches was the belief that planning could both determine where growth should happen and stimulate that growth. This approach failed as it went against the grain of markets. Regional and other strategies stifled natural and healthy competition between places and inhibited growth as a consequence.


This makes it pretty evident that the new plan is to have no plan. The government doesn't think it needs a growth strategy. It considers the encouragement of economic growth not really any of its business; all it needs to do is destroy as much of the public sector as it can, and the economy will grow like Japanese knotweed. This is a very simplistic form of neoclassical economics, based on the lovely myth of perfect free markets. So as to ensure that the Department of Business Innovation and Skills doesn't look like a waste of space, though, a couple of policies have been announced.

Technology and Innovation centres are to be established, the first of which will allegedly open in less than two months. Next to nothing is known about what these are or what they'll do, other than the fact that they got £200 million funding in the Spending Review.

The other policy trotted out as supporting the economy is the Regional Growth Fund. This consists of £1.4 billion over 3 years, scraped together from various government departments (BIS, CLG, DEFRA, DfT, and the Treasury) for projects to 'rebalance' the economy away from the public sector. Regional Growth Fund is caught in something of a Catch-22. Public sector bodies categorically cannot apply for it. Private sector organisations can, but must ensure that they aren't breaking the rules on state aid, which try to prohibit the government from propping up certain companies at the expense of others. State aid rules are complex, hard to understand, and greatly restrict the monetary support that businesses can get. As you can imagine, this presents problems. Nonetheless, the first round of the fund (a maximum of £300 million) attracted nearly 450 bids totalling well over £2 billion.

£1.4 billion may sound like an awful lot of money, but it is trying to replace multifarious infrastructure and transport funds, on top of the £6 billion spent in the last few years alone by Regional Development Agencies. For all their faults, RDAs provided business support and economic strategy. They are being wound up at the moment and their functions centralised or simply stopped. They will not be replaced, unless you count the completely unfunded Local Enterprise Partnerships, which I am not inclined to.

How successful is the No Plan economic plan likely to be? To date the signs aren't encouraging. The government is ignoring the fact that the public sector used to spend a lot of money in the private sector. And the fact that the private sector relies on public services and infrastructure to operate. And the fact that business confidence is heavily linked to government policy. And the overall state of the world economy in relation to the UK. The economy is shrinking, and the cuts have barely started yet. VAT hadn't risen yet in the last quarter, either.

The UK is vulnerable to economic forces far beyond its control. Rises in petrol prices, which the press have been up in arms about recently. Rises in food prices, as we import so much of what we eat. Rises in cotton prices, as we import almost everything that we wear. Inflation is therefore rising whilst the economy contracts. Stagflation, as it is charmingly known, was a feature of the 1980s. Inflation now is nowhere near what it was then (4.8% compared to over 20%), but give it time. Peak Oil is on its way.

The government wants private sector growth, which would require internal demand and/or exports to pick up. Demand for products and services within the UK is unlikely to grow given high and rising unemployment, limited credit availability, and higher VAT. Faced with reduced government support for the young and elderly, people will tend to save more. The disaster that is housing policy will increase costs in that sector, too. House prices will continue to rise as new supply gets scarcer.

Demand for UK exports has grown as the value of the pound falls, but is limited by the economic troubles of our main export partners (the US, Ireland, and the rest of Europe). Moreover, our major exports are cars, weapons, and financial services. Car demand is influenced by the likelihood of unemployment and wider economic climate (alarming), credit availability (poor), and petrol costs (rising). Weapons demand is influenced by government defense spending (being cut). Financial services got us into this mess in the first place.

Despite all this negativity, I am aware that I live in one of the few places to be prospering economically. The high-tech cluster around Cambridge is one of the few bits of the UK to be a net contributor to the Treasury. But at the moment the government isn't interested in what's holding this area back; overloaded transport infrastructure, unaffordable housing, and loss of public sector co-ordination and expertise. These are market failures which cannot be fixed by the private sector.

The government has lost sight of the basic fact that you have to invest money to make more money. That's practically the only policy lever it has left, in any case. National interest rates have little influence on levels of inflation or the cost of new borrowing nowadays. Regulation and tax incentives for business aren't popular with our neoliberal coalition. Their No Plan is to spend less to make more, probably based on a hunch.

This is not to say that no economic growth equals economic doom, far from it. Growth is pointless unless it improves wellbeing, and in any event cannot carry on indefinitely. At the moment government policy seems to be shrinking the economy and reducing wellbeing, although as ever I console myself with the fact that greenhouse gas emissions fall during downturns. Ultimately the UK and the rest of the world will have to reshape our economies to operate within environmental limits. Perhaps a coalition-assisted double-dip recession might set the scene for a lower carbon, less oil-dependent economy? It's a long shot, but hope for a green revolution springs eternal. Even when government economic policy seems entirely misconceived.